US, allies restock the arsenal of democracy

President Franklin Roosevelt coined the term “arsenal of democracy” in late 1940, as the American people watched World War II engulf Europe, Asia and Africa. “This great arsenal,” he explained, “will be a bulwark of our own defense” and “the source of the tools of defense for all democracies who are fighting to preserve themselves against aggression.”

A decade later, in the opening chapters of the Cold War, President Harry Truman said the “arsenal for the defense of freedom” would enable America “to send weapons to other free nations” under attack or under threat.

Today, in the opening chapters of Cold War II, President Joe Biden observes that Americans are yet again “building the arsenal of democracy and serving the cause of freedom.”

The bad news, as Biden’s words underscore, is that the arsenal of democracy is not what it once was and not yet what it needs to be. The good news is that America and its free world allies are working hard to rebuild it.

Hard truth Before digging into what the free world is doing to rebuild the arsenal of democracy, we need to address why it’s necessary. The answer smolders all around us.

“Don't be afraid to see what you see,” President Ronald Reagan counseled in the final chapter of Cold War I. “Truth,” he asserted, “remains the ultimate weapon in the arsenal of democracy.”

The truth is that freedom’s enemies are literally erasing parts of the free world.

Vladimir Putin’s Russia has dismembered Ukraine, annexed swaths of Ukraine and Georgia, and threatened attacks on Moldova, Norway, Poland, Lithuania, Finland and Sweden. 

Xi Jinping’s China has absorbed Hong Kong, threatened to seize Taiwan, constructed and militarized illegal islands to annex international waters and target democratic nations, attacked India, and violated the territorial waters of Japan and the Philippines. Plus, Xi is sending military aid to Russia and tripling his nuclear arsenal.

North Korea is sending artillery shells to Russia and testing missiles that threaten South Korea and Japan.

Iran equips Russia with kamikaze-drones, lobs missiles at Israel, harbors al-Qaida’s leader, targets U.S. troops and has unleashed its Hezbollah-Hamas-Houthi hydra to destroy Israel.

American help In response, Washington is drawing from the arsenal of democracy. 

Since early 2022, America has allocated $54.8 billion in military assistance for Ukraine: bullets and artillery shells, tanks and anti-tank systems, howitzers and rocket-artillery systems, anti-missile batteries and kamikaze-drones.

After Hamas’ Oct. 7 assault on Israel, 244 U.S. cargo planes and 20 ships rushed 10,000 tons of military hardware to Israel: laser-guided missiles, 155mm shells, bunker-busting bombs, Iron Dome interceptors.

The arsenal has supplied Taiwan with radar systems, anti-ship missiles, air-to-air missiles, F-16 upgrades and artillery rounds. Congressional leaders are now working to clear a $19 billion backlog of military hardware earmarked for the island democracy, including tanks, coastal defenses, drones, torpedoes and rocket artillery. There are plans in the works to authorize production of U.S. weapons in Taiwan. And military officials in Taiwan confirm that U.S.-Taiwan naval forces have secretly rendezvoused to conduct joint exercises – and that U.S. troops have deployed to Taiwan to train Republic of China forces.

Elsewhere in the Indo-Pacific, the United States is partnering with Britain to equip Australia with nuclear-powered attack submarines to track, deter and, if necessary, sink Xi’s fleet.

Japan is acquiring Tomahawk cruise missiles and more than 100 F-35 fighter-bombers from the United States. Washington and Tokyo continue to deepen their cooperation on, and co-development of, missile-defense systems.

The United States is delivering upgraded Patriot interceptors and launchers to South Korea, along with dozens of F-35s.

U.S. HIMARS rocket-artillery systems and anti-ship missiles have been deployed to the Philippines.

Allied help America isn’t alone. Indeed, the arsenal of democracy is no longer confined to U.S. soil.

Germany has delivered $11.35 billion in military equipment to Ukraine, including Leopard 2 tanks, Patriot batteries, infantry-fighting vehicles (IFVs), IRIS-T anti-air systems, Stinger anti-aircraft missiles, 155mm shells, howitzers and jamming systems. 

Britain has shipped $9.5 billion in military assistance to Ukraine, including thousands of anti-tank systems, dozens of Starstreak anti-air systems, MLRS batteries, precision-guided missiles, NASAMS air defenses, Challenger 2 tanks, self-propelled howitzers, armored vehicles and Storm Shadow long-range missiles. Britain has trained 34,000 Ukrainian troops since 2022. And Britain recently confirmed that it has “a small number of personnel … in country supporting the armed forces of Ukraine.”

Denmark has sent Ukraine $6 billion in military aid, Poland $3.24 billion (including 324 tanks) and Sweden $2.92 billion.

The Netherlands has sent Ukraine 104 tanks. Denmark and the Netherlands are sending F-16s to Ukraine.

France has delivered tanks and SCALP missiles to Ukraine, enabling Kiev to strike Russian territory. France is sending Mirage fighter-bombers to Ukraine. France has trained 10,000 Ukrainian soldiers and is mustering a coalition to deploy a military-training force inside Ukraine.

Turkey has sent Ukraine dozens of attack drones. Finland and Norway have sent tanks. The Czech Republic, Slovenia, Greece, Canada and Spain have sent hundreds of IFVs.

Help is also flowing from arsenals outside Europe and North America.

Australia has sent anti-armor weapons, howitzers and drones to Ukraine, trained Ukrainian soldiers, and partnered with France to manufacture and deliver 155mm artillery shells.

Japan has sent counter-drone systems to Ukraine. South Korea has sent artillery shells to Ukraine.

Israel is sharing counter-drone and missile-warning systems with Ukraine.

Argentina is sending helicopters and fighter-bombers to Ukraine. Colombia has sent combat engineers to Europe to train Ukrainian troops in demining.

More than a dozen NATO members have hammered out long-term bilateral security agreements with Ukraine. Britain promises “security assistance and military equipment across the land, air, sea, space and cyber domains.” Germany pledges “air defense, artillery, armored vehicles, including ammunition and other key capabilities” and “cooperation in the field of intelligence.” France will deliver “sustained security assistance (and) modern military equipment across all domains.” Italy commits to provide “air defense, artillery, long-range firepower, armored vehicles, demining, reconnaissance means, unmanned systems, engineer means, information technologies, electronic warfare, air force and maritime capabilities and other key capabilities.”

The United States last month unveiled the framework for its own security agreement with Ukraine, which will provide weapons and training to the besieged country over the next decade.

These bilateral agreements are crucial because, even when the guns fall silent, postwar Ukraine will need help deterring and defending against the enduring threat posed by a revisionist Russia. As long as the Kremlin is controlled by people who want to reconstitute the Russian Empire, Ukraine will need to be on guard – and the arsenal of democracy will need to be ready.

Cooperation Cold War II has many fronts.

In the Middle East, the United States and Israel are in the middle of a 10-year program, under which the arsenal of democracy will provide Israel with $38 billion in military aid.

Germany is Israel’s second-largest arms provider, representing 30% of Israel’s overall military aid. Germany recently delivered Israel 3,000 anti-tank weapons and 500,000 rounds of ammunition.

U.S. air, land and sea assets, French aircraft, and British aircraft shielded Israel from Iran’s massive missile-drone salvo in April. Warships from eight NATO members lead the maritime operation protecting international shipping transiting the Red Sea from Houthi attacks.

Military assistance flows in multiple directions. The U.S. Marine Corps is acquiring Iron Dome air-defense batteries from Israel. Germany is buying Arrow 3 missile-defense systems from Israel.

Beyond the Middle East, Argentina is acquiring Stryker armored vehicles from the United States and F-16s from Denmark. Japan has transferred Patriot interceptor missiles to the United States to backfill inventory that’s been sent to Ukraine. Japan has delivered coastal and air radar systems to the Philippines. The Air Force is buying Joint Strike Missiles from Norway. South Korea has sent howitzers to Estonia, tanks and artillery to Poland, armored vehicles to Australia, and fighter-jets and frigates to the Philippines.

Prevention If history is any guide, Cold War II will be a long, hard struggle. With that in mind, the United States and its free world allies are collaborating on joint weapons production. NATO members are mitigating supply-chain constraints. Some European arms manufacturers are merging to boost production. Japan, South Korea, Australia, India and almost every NATO member are dramatically increasing defense spending.

The investments and adjustments are starting to pay dividends. U.S. industry is increasing artillery-shell production from 14,000 a month in 2022 to 70,000 per month by 2025. Germany has quadrupled tank-shell production to 240,000 rounds per year. Sweden is quadrupling production of anti-tank systems. Europe’s largest munitions producer will pump out 600,000 shells this year, up from 150,000 in 2022.

To maintain this momentum and to prevent Cold War II from metastasizing into something worse, the United States needs to make larger, more sustained investments in the arsenal. For more than a decade, America has invested just over 3% of GDP in defense. The average during Cold War I was more than twice that. Arguing that “we can avoid war by preparing for it,” Sen. Roger Wicker, R-Miss, recommends investing 5% of GDP on defense to restock the arsenal. Sen. Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., agrees that “we should be spending more” and has cited Wicker’s plan as a starting point.

The purpose of a restocked arsenal of democracy isn’t to wage war or to plant new democracies, but to prevent the spread of war, to defend existing democracies and to diminish the likelihood that Americans will have to go to war. As Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, R-La., puts it, “I would rather send bullets to Ukraine than American boys.”